Introduction
The recent developments regarding the conflict between Greece and Turkey over Aegean and Cyprus and published maps for the Greek and Cyprus Exclusive EEZ. And the sea limits that are leading to serious conflicts and Casus Belli declarations of Turkey disregarding, UN resolutions even NATO directives, international law and international treaties such as Lauzanne treaty which is fundamental for the viability of this Nation, Greece and Cyprus.
Turkey is advocating that international law for the islands and sea limits and Exclusive EEZ as well as overall strategies are questionable designed to the benefit of western powers which are positioned to violate all Turkish rights and repeat the same aggressive acts with the long term intention to partition Turkey just as they have done in the beginning of the20th century, using Greece in this dirty game.
It is particularly important, mostly during this period, to expose the truth of the historical events that took place in both recent and older times that lead Greece Turkey and Cyprus to fight over these issues.
It is exactly the opposite that has happened, Turkey has been benefiting in more than one ways from western powers especially from UK which has been encouraging Turkey to acquire rights to which they have totally abandoned with international treaties.
This is why I feel obliged to bring to your attention historical facts which have been forgotten but the Greek parliament is releasing by publishing a report on Cyprus after 30 years.
For this time I attach one extract from this report covering events up to the Zurich agreement for Cyprus among UK Greece and Turkey.
Historical background for Cyprus Covering events that led to Zurich agreement
Translated from the File “Cyprus” published by a special committee of the Greek Parliament released after 30.years.
This report covers (geographical location of Cyprus and its extent, its adventures, its sale, during 1878, by the Turkish conquerors to England – as an English colony – Referendum – population composition – Ethnic struggle, etc.).
Cyprus, the large island of the eastern Mediterranean, has an area of 9,851 sq. Km and its population in the period 1974 was 634,654 inhabitants, of which 519,694 (81,9%) Greek Cypriots and 114,960 (18,1%) Turkish Cypriots.
Remote, as it was from the mainland of Greece, experienced many adventures and invasions over the centuries.
One of her oldest and most marked misfortunes was when, during 448 BC, Pericles, Signed a peace with the Persians, and left her out of his claims.
At later times Cyprus passed into the hands of several and many successive invaders.
Its «privileged» position in the Eastern Mediterranean, and particularly in the Cilic Sea, near the Middle East countries, made it a target for those who aimed to expand their influence to these countries (Syria, Palestine, etc.).
In every case, however, Cyprus did not fail to watch over, with great interest, the fate and the course of Hellenism during the great days of glory (Alexander the Great), and in its turbulent falls (its descendancy under the Ottoman occupation, etc.).
This last occupation was suffered by Cyprus for three whole centuries – until 1878 – the Turkish invador held it under its barbaric occupation.
This year (1878), Turkey sold to Cyprus to Great Britain, which at that time, just nine years after Suez was opened, sought to serve its worldwide interests and aspirations to acquire territories and areas of the Eastern Mediterranean. Many more areas exploiting the strategic and geographical location of Cyprus.
According to the treaty that was signed with this sale transaction, Cyprus would still typically be under Sultan’s high sovereignty, but was essentially granted to Britain, which would be paying Turkey an amount of 88,000 pounds (approximately) a year.
This was the situation, until 1914. During the First World War, Turkey declared a war against Great Britain, which, after that, denounced the above treaty and ANNEXED Cyprus on 5.11.1914 and brought Cyprus under its own absolute dominance
Thus it came 1915.
England, seeking to achieve Greece’s participation in the war, offered union of Cyprus to Greece on 17.10.1915. The Greek government in power at that time (Alexandros Zayim’s government), supporter of the German-Hellenic friendship influenced by the Greek Royal family, refused the offer.
Thus we came to the year 1923, when the Treaty of Lausanne was signed by which Turkey explicitly recognized the annexation of Cyprus to Great Britain and so waived any right in Cyprus.
Here we have the relevant provisions of the Treaty of Lausanne:
«Article 20: Turkey declares that it recognizes the annexation of Cyprus proclaimed by the British Government on 5 November 1914″.
‘Article 21: Turkish nationals established in Cyprus on 5 November 1914 shall, as provided for by national law, obtain British citizenship, and shall consequently denounce Turkish nationality.
However, up to two years after the coming into force of this Treaty, Turkish subjects may exercise a right of option over Turkish nationality. In that case, they must leave Cyprus within 12 months, after they exercise the right of choice. »
On the basis of these agreements, Kemal Atturkur called on the Turkish Cypriots to emigrate to Turkey.
However, the response of the Turkish Cypriots to this invitation of the Turkish Nation Leader was appreciably limited.
Thus on (1.5.1925) the proclamation of Cyprus as a colony of the British Crown followed.
In the meantime, from the beginning of the 20th century, the Greek Cypriot population of the island started a motion for union of Cyprus with Greece. This motion was being promoted from the Church.
As part of this demand, many Cypriot missions arrived in London submitting relevant memoranda to the Government of Great Britain, while at the same time there were mobilizations in Cyprus with a strong presence of the Greek Cypriot youth.
England’s response to all of this was clearly and steadily negative.
The top of these mobilizations lead to the revolt of Cypriot people which started on October 17, 1931 with the publication by Bishop Kiti and MP Nicodemus Mylonas manifesto which called the People to resist the English occupation. On October 21, 1931, a large popular gathering took place in Nicosia, and Dionysios Kykkotis, the priest of Phaneromeni, waved the Greek flag, declared the revolution.
The Colonial Government, operating in a totally dictatorial manner, killed this popular revolt in a few days by bringing troops from Egypt.
England was not satisfied with this but started a series of tough administrative measures and several restrictions.
More than 2,500 citizens were jailed, several others – among whom the protagonist of the outbreak Bishop Kition and MP Nikodimos Mylonas – were deported.
The Legislative Council was abolished, the use of the Greek flag or of the Greek colors or of the Greek fighters was forbidden, and the Greek National anthem was also forbidden.
Even interventions within the Church were attempted, while the effort of de-Hellenization of education, especially the primary, was intensified.
With the suppression of the 1931 uprising, and with the taking of such hardcore meters, the long-running period of the so-called «democratic rule» of the English occupation, which began to openly dominate with an authoritarian and dictatorial net perception, ends.
During the 1940 war many Cypriot volunteers fought on the side of the allies.
During 1943, the first elections took place in Cyprus after the elections of 1931, and in 1947 the new Cypriot Governor, Lord Winters, gave the Cypriots a promise for a «more liberal and democratic regime».
In 1948, the establishment of a National Council for the promotion of the National Union struggle was decided, later the Office of the Ethnarchy, which became the executive body of the Cyprus National Government, which continued the fight for independance..
During December 1949 Archbishop of Makarios B!, took the initiative to hold a referendum among the Greek Cypriots. This referendum, voted by all Greek Cypriots, male and female, over the age of 16, took place on January 15, 1950, and resulted in 95.7% in favor of the union with Greece. ( 224,757 voted, of whom 215,108 were in favor of joining Greece).
The Cypriot Embassy led by The Bishop of Kyrenia Kyprianos came to Athens and filed a series of volumes of the union referendum to the President of the Hellenic Parliament Dimitrios Gontikas.
The Greek Government at that time, (the Plastiras Government) did not take the volumes of this referendum , considering that the time was not right for that.
During 1951, the Greek delegation at the sixth session of the UN, held in Paris, led by the Greek political forces of the Center Party (Plastira-Venizelos Government), presented the Cyprus issue for discussion with Georgio Mavro and Louke Akrita, and asked to establish for Cyprus the process of referendum for the application of the principle of self-determination.
Meanwhile, the Archbishop’s throne of the Church of Cyprus had changed,
Makarios II had died and was succeeded (October 1950) by the then bishop Kiti, Makarios III, who during the period 1952 to 1956 attempted a series of trips to Europe, America and Asia, presenting to the International Community the whole Cypriot issue.
At the same time, the Greek Government was trying to make petitions to England, posing the same subject.
As a result a discussion took place in the House of Commons in July 54.
At the same time the Greek Government d. 16.8.54 (The Papagos Government) appeal to the United Nations, General Assembly, with the suggestion of the New Zealand delegation and the US Consent 24.8.54, decided not to discuss it «at present».
Meanwhile, the struggle for the Union is intensifying and EOKA organization is being set up, which takes on armed action.
Strong reaction and violent measures by the British do not manage to curb the rationale of the Cypriots.
And so the struggle of the EOKA continues ever more vigorously.
Since the violent measures are not enough to overcome it, the architects of the British policy are thinking of taking «diplomatic» measures.
Thus, on 30 June 1955, they invite the Governments of Greece and Turkey to take part in a tripartite conference in London to discuss both «political and defensive issues in the Eastern Mediterranean, including Cyprus». Archbishop Makarios responded to this development, stating on 16.7.55 that if this conference were to take place, it would be a «trap intended to complicate the matter in a way that is irreparable».
Makarios’ views were not heard, and on 29.8.1955 a three-party «conference» with the Foreign Ministers of all three countries (McMilan for Great Britain, Stephan Stephanopoulou for Greece and Fatin Zorlou for Turkey) began in Lancaster House.
This tripartite conference ended its work on 7 September 1955 with the publication of a communiqué that spoke of «suspending its work».
But although the conference failed to resolve the issues of the Cyprus independence fight, but it had achieved the purpose for which the British had thought of convening it. Because with this conference they managed to bring in the show a new interested party for Cyprus, Turkey, which, with the Treaty of Lausanne, in the most formal and categorical way, gave up all its rights on Cyprus and thus transformed the difference that existed between the Greek Cypriots and the Government of the Creat ritain in a Greek-Turkish dispute, limiting themselves to a third party role (arbitrators in some way).
Following the failure of the Tripartite Conference, the then Greek Government (in the 1955 Government of Karamanlis) filed a second appeal to the UN but did not succeed in obtaining the necessary number of votes to register this appeal on the General Assembly’s agenda the UN.
Meanwhile, on 4/10/55, a quarter after the failure of the «Tripartite Conference», the government of Cyprus was entrusted by the British Government to Marshal John Harting, who was more widely known than the hard ways he had used to suppress the Kenyan liberation movement. This new Governor of Cyprus, when he assumed his duties (October 1955), submitted new proposals for «liberal self-government» to Makarios.
After this, Makarios-Harting talks followed, which failed.
Of course, the struggle of the EOKA continued and intensified, causing great damage to Harting troops, gaining admiration not only for the Hellenic Cypriot element for its success but mainly for the heroes that had been shown through its struggles.
On March 6, 1956, an order was issued for the capture and exile of Makarios on
Seychelles. This order was executed on 9.3.56.
The leadership of the Cypriot People is then taken over by the Bishop of Kition Anthimos, while the action of EOKA IS intensified while the British position is displaying barbaric atrocities in retaliation against the Cypriot fighters and the Cypriot people. Top manifestations of this atrocities are a great series of death sentences, carried out by the method of hanging.
On 14 July 1956 – only four months after Makarios was detained and expelled – Lord Radcliffe, who was commissioned to draft a Constitution, arrived in Cyprus for on-the-spot examination of the situation.
Lord Radcliff submitted his constitutional proposals to the British Government in November 1956, which in December 1956 communicated them to the Greek Government and Archbishop Makarios.
The Greek Government considered that these suggestions did not lead to self-determination, and with that thought they rejected them.
Makarios, moreover, refused to discuss it like any other subject, since he was still exiled.
The British Government’s appeal to the UN was followed, accusing the Greek Government of reinforcing terrorism in Cyprus.
The return of Makarios from his exile marks the beginning of new developments in the Cyprus issue.
By arriving in Athens, Makarios declares on April 17, 1957, that he will seek self-determination of Cyprus by every means.
On July 15, 577, the then Greek Government (Karamanlis Government) filed a new appeal to the UN, complaining to Britain about the atrocities performed against Cypriot people, and called for the principle of self-determination to apply in Cyprus.
The decision of the Political Committee of the General Assembly, issued in December 1957, spoke of self-determination.
Although this decision of the Political Committee was voted for by the General Assembly, it was not considered to have been ratified because it did not receive the majority of the 2/3 of the members of the General Assembly required by the Regulation.
On 3.12.57, Sir Hugh Fout, who emerged as a liberal politician, replaced Marchal John Harting in the government of Cyprus. But again, the same policy was applied against EOKA and the prospects of resolving or even promoting the solution of Cyprus problem.
The new Governor of Cyprus was persistently moving within the framework of the constitutional proposals of Lord Radcliffe, while, at the same time, he also presented, as a threat, the case of the division of the island.
New proposals from the British Government were tabled in February 1958, which were rejected by the Greek Government and Makarios.
The rejection of the proposals were followed by attacks and violence by the Turks against the Greek Cypriots, for which the Greek Government demanded an extraordinary convocation of the NATO Council, in which denounced the Turkish violence. But the Greek Parliament, with its unanimous resolution, called for the support of the Greek Cypriot Parliament for the immediate cease of Turkish brutality.
The latest proposals for the solution of the Cypriot issue made by the British side were proposals by the British Prime Minister Makmilan.
These proposals introduced a sort of Anglo-Hellenic Turkish co-existence on the island. As in previous plans, defense, foreign policy and internal security were to stay in the hands of the British Governor.
Of course, such a plan could not be accepted by the Greek Cypriot side. Since October 1958, without the participation of the Cypriots, considerable fermentations have begun in NATO, which had as a consequence the meeting of the Prime Ministers of Greece and Turkey in Zurich and the signing of the Zurich Treaty.
But for this treaty and more generally for the whole set of conditions relating to the independence of Cyprus in the following, , chapter C of this finding.
Times for Change 